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AN ADDRESS 



TO THE 



CITIZENS OF MASSACHUSETTS, 



ON THE 



CAUSES AND REMEDY 



OF OUR 



NATIONAL DISTRESSES, 



BY A FELLOW SUFFERER- 



BOSTON : / 

PRINTED AT THE REPERTORY OFFICE. 
1808. 



ADDRESS. 



It is proper for us who are the citizens of a repub- 
lican government, at all times to take an interest in the 
political concerns of our country ; to examine and reflect 
on the publick measures which have been adopted, or are 
recommended ; to avail ourselves of every means of ascer- 
taining what the general good requires, and to determine 
where we ought to bestow our confidence, by comparing 
the conduct and avowed principles of those ^vho occupy 
or are candidates for offices of publick trust, with the re- 
sult of our reflections. But at a time when our national 
affairs are known to be involved in perplexity, when we 
find ourselves actually suffering serious evils, and are call- 
ed upon to decide whom we shall choose as guardians of 
our country's welfare, it is particularly important that we 
should be active, inquisitive and conscientious, in the in- 
teresting duties we have to perform. 

It is true that on such occasions imposture is ever busy, 
and the people ought not rashly to credit relations of ne^v, 
pretended facts, which have a bearing on the vie^i^s or 
measures of government ; but no man need be more afraid 
to reason, or to hear reason, on the approach of an election, 
than at any other season. The attempt, therefore, which 
undoubtedly some will make to prejudice readers against 
an impartial attention to this address, from the time of its 
publication, will be found by those who will peruse it, 
without any just cause. It shall be a plain appeal to the 
understanding of electors ; it shall be a discussion of sub-- 
jects, with the circumstances of which the publick, gen- 
erally, ai^e already acquainted. 



L 4 ] 

Every man knows that the prospects of the United States 
are at this moment more gloomy and alarming than has 
been experienced since our independence was achieved ; 
that the publick sufterings are great ; too great to be long 
endured, without the most distressing consequences. The 
object of this sketch is to shew that these calamities result, 
principally, from that system of politicks which our nation- 
al administration have adopted ; to which they seem fatally 
wedded ; and from which we can hope for no relief, but by 
changing a majorit}- of those who have had, or ought to 
have had, the direction of our national concerns. 

It would not be difficult to prove that in many respects 
the innovations which have been practised for several years, 
in the management of our domestick relations, have pro- 
duced much evil. But as the distresses which predomi- 
nate, and tlie ruin which threatens us, depend on the state 
of our foreign connexions, we shall confine our remarks 
to them, and pailicularly to our relations with Great Brit- 
ain^ France and Spain. 

The immediate cause of our sufferings is the arrest of 
our external commerce. The pretended objects of govern- 
ment in subjecting us to this measure have been, to secure 
the persons and property of our citizens^ and to coerce the 
belligerents of Europe to remove certain alledged grounds of 
coniplahtt. If the first was ever a motive in the minds of 
our rulers, it must have ceased to operate, ever since our 
merchants, whose interest was to be guarded by com- 
mercial restrictions, have been aware of the nature and ex- 
tent of the danger to which they were exposed. This fact 
has been so fully and so frequently demonstrated, and is 
so obvious to every person's comprehension, further argu- 
ment would be superfluous. As a measure of coercion^ 
whatever may have been professed by its authors, the 
steps which the Executive has taken, the language used in 
Congress, the sentiments avowed in certain papers, and 
the feelings expressed by the partizans of Administration 
in every part of the union, prove unequivocally, that Great 
Britain is the object, 

I shall not here expose the futility of the Embargo, or 
any other commercial restrictions, imposed with a view tp 
coerce Great Britain. The consummate folly of that doc- 



[ 5 ] 

trine is already, or soon will be, manifest to every man in 
the United States. That the suspension of commerce 
deeply injures this country no one disputes. If it is an 
inefficient measure, as it respects Great Britain, it certainly 
cannot be justified, on any account. If it is a powerful 
measure, justice requires that it should not be adopted 
without just and serious cause of complaint ; and expe- 
dience requires that it should injure her more than our- 
selves. 

What reasons has America to pursue a system of viru- 
lent hostility towards Great Britain ? The reasons oftered 
are definite and familiar to the publick. The impressment 
of her seamen from our merchant ships; the restrictions 
she imposes on the colonial trade ; the attack on the Ches- 
apeake, and her recent Orders of Council. 

First ; she claims the right of taking her oxv7i seamen^ 
from neutral merchant ships. There is not a mai^itime na- 
tion in Europe that does not practice the same. Nay more ; 
it is both claimed and enforced by the United States. With 
what face then can this be alledged as a ground of contest? 
Great Britain never asserted a right to impress American 
citizens. 

Secondly, she claims the right of interdicting to neu- 
trals the unaccustomed trade between her enemies and 4§*' 
colonies^ either direct, or circuitous. It is unnecessary 
to state on what principles, since she so qualifies the exer- 
ixiise of this right in favour of neutrals, as to leave them the 
j whole profit of that trade. The additional expense to which 
neutral merchants are subjected, and the trifling allow- 
ance they pay to their own government from the colonial 
[trade, are refunded by the consumer. The general prin- 
ciple of countries possessing colonies is to monopolize 
iMtheir trade in peace. If one belligerent, from having 
i|a superiour maritime power, presents insuperable ob- 
stacles to the colonial trade of the other, how far a neu- 
tral can rightfully interfere and remove such obstacles, is 
a question of great interest and much difficulty of adjust- 
ment, between Great Britain and the United States. On a 
point, however, so peculiarly deiicats, in the present criti- 
cal state of the world. Great Britain has explicitly ollered 
to enter into an arrangement, by which the United States 



C 6 ] 

would have, during the present war, all the pecuniary ad- 
vantages they claim, and leave the question of right, as 
asserted by each paily, wholly unaffected by the stipula- 
tion. After this offer on her part, no man can pretend that 
the colonial trade need be a subject of serious controversy, 
much less an occasion of hostility with Great Britain. 

Thirdly ; the United States' ship Chesapeake xvas attack- 
ed by a British frigate. That spirit which evinces a strict 
regai'd to national rights, a high sense of national honour, 
preferring even the risk of life to disgrace, is true patriotism ; 
it is a spirit to be encouraged and admired ; but it is not inex- 
orable, and when falsely directed, it ceases to be a virtue ; it 
becomes a crime. It is as MTong to reject atonement for an in- 
jury, as it is dishonourable to endure it without resentment. 
It is notorious tliat from the moment the attack on the Ches- 
apeake was even reported in England, the British govern- 
ment displayed a strongly marked solicitude to ascertain 
the nature of the injury, to assure our government of their 
sincere disposition to make reparation, and to preserve 
peace and friendship between the two nations. This sys- 
tem of conduct was immediately commenced and unremit- 
tingly pursued, until her own character, among nations ^vho 
were witnesses to her conciliatory efforts and their failure, 
required that she should proceed no further. The act of 
the individual was censured and discussed in every form 
necessary to gi"\^e the disavowal force and character. The 
king by royal proclamation expressly forbade the commis- 
sion of such acts ; the go\'ernment, though deeply occu- 
pied in a war for national existence, entered promptly and 
zealously into a negotiation with our minister ; an accom- 
modation, there, being found impracticable, owing to posi- 
tive instructions from our executive, Great Britain still 
persevered, and sent an honourable embassy for the ex- 
press purpose of offering to the United States ample atone- 
ment for the injury she had unintentionally done us. That 
this affair has not, long since, been amicably and honoura- 
bly settled has been the choice of our government. It is 
therefore preposterous to adduce this as a cause of ^var. 

Fourthly ; there remains then but her late ordei^s of Coun- 
cil. Great Britain has declared that the Berlin decree, 
■w'ould j ustify her, on the lav/ of retaliation, in doing more, and 



[ 7 ] 

required all that she has done. That she is sincere in this 
declaration is evident, from this consideration. Had she 
simply proclaimed those ports and coasts in a state of 
blockade which were actually invested by her fleets the 
same effect would have been the consequence, and no na- 
tion could have questioned the justice of her conduct. But 
she has met her enemy on the ground he had taken, and 
if we choose to complain, we must in equity direct our 
complaints against that power ^vhich set the example. By 
retaliating measures on her enemy in kind, Great Britain, 
has given us no cause of war. 

Yet under these pretences the friendly relations between 
the United States and that country have been suspended- 
a non-miportation act has been passed; a proclamation in- 
terdicting our ports to her ships of war has been issued 
±.mbargo laws have been multiplied; and we are assured 
they cannot be annulled without resorting next to OPEN 
WAR! In short, the ruin of the United States appears to 
be a secondary consideration with our government, while 
the indulgence of a most malignant enmity towards Great 
Britain is the first. It cannot be believed that the people 
of this country concur with the present administration, in 
this pertinacious, unjust, and self-destructive hatred. The 
majority of our citizens undoubtedly wish for justice and 
no more ; they are anxious to see harmony restored, on 
terms which shall secure to our nation its rights, and heal 
our wounded honour. Such terms Great Britain has prof- 
lered, and with a solicitude which evinces her sincerity. 
1 here is then no obstacle to an amicable accommodation 
but the prejudices of those who control and inthral our 
pubhck concerns. Is it not time, standing as we do, on the 
brink of rum, to embrace the only means we possess of 
terminating the evils resulting from these prejudices, by 
placing government in the hands of men of pure, patriot- 
ick, and unbiassed principles ? 

But besides this steady and deep rooted enmity towards 
ii^ngland, there is another cause of that crooked policy, 
which has involved our country in its present embarrass- 
ments. The conduct of our government towards France 
and her conduct towards us afford a perfect reverse to the 
picture we have given, tending however to the same end. 



[ 3 ] 

Here again I shall appeal to facts of publick notoriety^ 
France has always interfered in the doniestick politicks of 
the United States. She has directly interposed in our con- 
cerns with Spain, and for several years prevented an adjust- 
ment of our disputes with that nation. She has swindled 
our government in the sale of Louisiana, the boundaiies of 
which remain undetermined. She lias plundered, sunk and 
burnt our defenceless merchantmen on the ocean. She has 
seized, confiscated, and condemned, our vessels in her own 
ports and in the ports of Spain, contrary to the laws of na- 
tions. She has in a most outrageous maimer violated her 
treaty with us, and that too with respect to the liberty of 
the seas, of which she hypocritically declares to the world 
she is the champion. She has insultingly dictated to our 
government the course they must take with regard to other 
nations — officially pronounced us at war with Great Brit- 
ain, and seized the property of our citizens as a pledge of 
our acquiescence. She lias issued decree upon decree 
against our commerce, in contempt of the most unques- 
tionable principles of right ; and under the sanction of her 
unjustifiable decrees, declared our merchant ships dena- 
tionalized, and made our citizens prisoners of war. Such 
is the treatmeUt we have received from France ; and what 
has been the conduct of our government in return ? Not 
merely patient and abject submission, for years, to her ac- 
cumulating insults and injuries; but active friendship, un- 
disguised pailiality and zealous co-operation in her views. 
Her ministers are received and treated with cordiality; our 
national treasury is devoted to her service ; her ships of 
war are welcomed to our ports, while her. enemy's are in- 
terdicted ; at her instance, we abandoned the lucrative trade 
of St. Domingo, and on a principle un\varrantable and un- 
known, our government pmiishes our citizens at home for 
acts committed within what France calls her jurisdiction. 
In fine, we actually make common cause wath France in 
her war against die liberty of other nations, and have vol- 
imtarily adopted the same measures imposed by her on 
the conquered countries of Europe, except the open resort 
to arms in her favour, and even that has been repeatedly 
tlireatened. This slavish attachment to the cause of France, 
at the expense of our national rights, honour and prosper)- 



[ 9 ] 

ty, not only accords with, but explains, the hatred of 
our government towards England. This accounts for 
their declining her pacifick overtures ; conjuring up un- 
founded complaints ; rejecting a treaty with Great Bri- 
tain, made by a minister ^vith competent authority and act- 
ing within his instructions : And lastly, it explains the real 
cause of the embargo, the source of those distresses, which 
have spread dismay and consternation throughout the Uni- 
ted States. 

I hazard nothing in asserting, that this base disposition 
to truckle to the insulting, domineering conduct of France, 
this sacrifice of our national independence, our character 
and dearest rights cannot be approved by the mass of the 
people of this country, of any party. There cannot be a 
doubt but that a spirited and manly deportment in our 
government towards France, notwithstanding her overbear- 
ing temper, would have secured us better treatment, and 
left us at peace, if we chose it, with the rest of the 
world. A former administration pursued this policy with 
success. This is therefore a second powerful reason for 
improving the present opportunity of placing men in our 
councils, who are free from foreign attachments and anti- 
pathies ; who will resent real injuries ; acknowledge real 
friends ; and who will not sacrifice the prosperity of our 
own country to gratify any power whatever. 

In one other point of view, the state of our foreign rela- 
tions merits serious consideration. The situation of Europe 
is now undergoing a great and important change. The 
tyranny of France, which has for some time kept European 
nations in awe, has at last reduced them to desperation. A 
natural, spontaneous resistance has commenced against 
her on the continent, and v/ith a success which promises a 
glorious result, in which the whole world is interested. 
France, hated by every state in Europe, is losing her in- 
fluence among them. Her arms cease to be dreaded, and 
cease to have their euect. There is the strongest proba- 
bility, that, encouraged by the triumphs of Spain and Por- 
tugal, who have led the way in an attempt to recover their 
independence, other nations, who have the same motives, 
will pursue the same course. What then is our prospect? 
Adhering to the cause of France, abetting her usurpations, 

B 



[ 10 ] 

cold and even hostile to all who oppose her, our govern- 
ment will secure to itself the hatred and contempt, and 
exclude itself from the favour of every nation that can or 
M'ishes to regain its freedom. We shall make enemies of 
all the world ; for even France, though she will use us for 
her purposes, does and will treat us as her SLAVE. But 
a majority, it is to be hoped a large majorit}^ of the people 
of the United States have no share in that enmity, express- 
ed by our government, to the independence of nations whom 
France has subdued or against whom she is contending. 
This is a third and increasing motive to place those in 
po\^-er who feel with the people, and who may avert the 
calamities, which would certainly result from making com- 
mon cause with France. 

I have been cautious, in tliis sketch of the foreign rela- 
tions of the United States, to confine myself strictly to 
points which have been canvassed, and established before 
the publick. In no one instance do I require an implicit 
belief of the reader. Let any man candidly examine and 
consider the publick transactions of our government, the 
conduct of other nations towards us, and the events which 
have taken place, and are now evolving in Europe, and he 
will find in his own breast a consciousness, that what I 
have said is true. To his reason I appeal, whether the 
inferences are not correct. 

There is a very interesting consideration, which I have 
not yet brought to view, intimately connected with the 
policy of our government towards foreign nations, though 
it immediately relates to the administration of our domes- 
tick affairs. It has contributed no less than the causes 
which have been mentioned, to the existing distresses of 
our country. I mean, the deep-rooted hostility of the pre- 
sent ruling party to commerce^ from principle. To 
detail the proofs which might be adduced, that Mr. Jeffer- 
son and Mr. Madison are, and have been, for twenty years, 
decided enemies of our commerce would fill a book alone. 
There M'ould not remain a shadow of doubt of this impor- 
tant fact, at this time, after Jefferson's Report, and Madi- 
son's Resolutions, of 1794, if these men had not always 
made the extension of commerce their professed object, 
while its ULTIMATE DESTRUCTION was the certain end of 



t II ] 

theh' measures. But men's real intentions are best ascer- 
tained by their actions. If we attend to the conduct of our 
administration, we cannot doubt their hostile views, as it 
respects commerce. France has done all in her power to 
drive us from the ocean. With her, our rulers have had 
no collision. Her rapacity has favoured their object. In- 
stead of shewing resentment, they have made French ag- 
gressions an argument for abandoning the sea ! Great Bri- 
tain, since our peace with her, has always recognized our 
commercial rights, but to prevent our enjoying them, our 
administration fabricate difficulties. Under pretence of 
seeking new and enlarged privileges, they demand what is 
unreasonable and unattainable, and what they -well kno\v, 
cannot be conceded, while Great Britain is able to defend 
herself. Her refusal is then represented a national griev- 
ance ; and feigning an expectation of coercing her to yield, 
measures are adopted at home, which at once cut up all 
our trade, root and branch. Thus, under the mask of pa- 
triotism and a regard for our rights, Ave are deprived of 
them, by the act of our own government ; we are compel- 
led to remain shut up in our ports, with a certain prospect 
that other channels of trade \vill be formed, between other 
nations, and new relations established ; so that if at length, 
we force our way through these unnatural and impolitick 
barriers, we shall find our place supplied by others, and 
ourselves excluded. Had Mr, Jefferson proposed to Con- 
gress to pass a Resolve, declaring that commerce was an 
injury to our countr}'^, and therefore should be abolished 
forever, he would have shocked too many of his partisans, 
and the project would have failed. He has taken a less 
honest, but a more successful method, and our commercial 
prosperity is at an end. Innumerable embarrassments have 
already been experienced, but the final consequences can 
yet scarcely be conceived. The gains of many prosperous 
years are yet circulating in the community, but they ai^e 
wasting away. He who has money at command, though it 
is daily diminishing, and he has no means of acquiring 
more, finds himself growing poorer, but does not yet real- 
ize the misery of total destitution. When it is gone, and 
there remains no means of supply, it is then, and then oniy> 
poverty becomes insupportable. 



[ 1^ ] 

By tlie destruction of commerce the merchant and mar-' 
iner are the first sufferers ; but the shock soon extends to 
every class of society. The cultiAator of the soil finds no 
demand for his surphis produce. The largest portion of 
niechanicks, those for whom commerce or the enlargement 
and improvement of our seaport towns, the consequence 
of a flourishing trade, found employment, become useless. 
The value of land, of labour, and of every species of indus- 
try must sink. In short ; let the present system be pursued, 
and it is impossible not to foresee that it will most certainly 
terminate in the general impoverishment of the 

COUNTRY. 

Citizens of Massachusetts ; — a little consideration will 
convince you that you are threatened with all these evils. 
Your experience has already given you a specimen of the 
consequences which will result from the sacrifice of com- 
merce ; your reason and observation must convince you 
that this sacrifice is contemplated ; that it is one grand ob- 
ject of the measiu'es under wliich you are suffering. Hap- 
pily the constitutioji of your country offers ijou the means 
of relief. It is not in the wisdom of man to recover our 
national prosperity at once from the blow it has received ; 
we have lost friends who must be regained by a just and 
impartial policy. We have desti"oyed connexions which 
time and enterprise had formed, and which, with the most 
favourable management of our affairs, time and enterprise 
only can renew. Give those an opportunity of completing 
their purposes, who have brought you to this state, and 
your doom is certain. There are among you, wise and 
trusty men, \^'ho think with you, and who feel with you ; 
men whose known sentiments are averse to that untoward 
policy, which has invohed our country in troubles, and 
threatens its destruction. Select such men to represent 
you in our national Legislature. To their patriotism com- 
mit the guidance of our publick concerns. With the 
smiles of Pro\'idence, our beloved country will again pros- 
per, individual happiness will be restored, and our govern- 
ment once more merit and command the respect of foreign 
nations. 

f3» Page 6tli, line 2olb, for discussed, read, disowned. 



[ 13 ] : 

The work of political reformation is happily begun ; 
•changes have been secured, as to the members of the next 
Congress, in several important and distinct sections of the 
Union. To those, who wish permanent prosperity to this 
country, it will be observed with pleasure, this revolution, 
which promises us, erelong, a favourable turn, in our na- 
tional policy, is by no means confined to the subject of the 
Embargo. The people are devoting their attention to its 
pretended causes. The measures of the Administration are 
not only felt to be oppressive, but the principles on which 
they justify their conduct are, every day, more clearly and 
more generally perceived to be erroneous. 

I m.ight here swell this Tract, by quoting documents, 
without number, to prove that the sentiments I have ad- 
vanced, and the views I have taken, accord with the pub- 
lick voice. These I have omitted for sake of brevity. I 
ha^^e however taken the liberty, in stating the complaintSy 
urged hy government against Great Britaih, and in reply- 
ing to them^ to adopt the arrangement and nearly the lan- 
guage of an excellent and spirited Address to the people o* 
the County of Essex ^ recently published by delegates from 
the several towns in that County, and presume that an au- 
thority so respectable will have more weight than the o- 
pinion of any individual. 

It only remains, fellow citizens, that we pursue this 
course with zeal and firmness. We are republicans ; the 
return of our federal elections gives to the people the pow- 
er of controling future measures. We have but to preserve 
an unbiassed regard to the good of our country, and 
in so doing, Ave shall be certain of promoting the interest, 
happiness and prosperity of EVERY individual in the 

COMMUNITY. 

A FELLOW SUFFERER. 
October 10, 1608, 



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